Monday, 18 January 2021

 

MINORITIES UNDER MILITARY OCCUPATION:

The Case of the Southern Cameroons 

(Ambazonia)

 

The context in which we find ourselves here, in the midst of the United Nations Rapporteur on Minority Issues (Dr. Fernand de Varennes) is understood, but it would be difficult to concede to the idea that the Southern Cameroons is a minority. Can we call a territory that in history has had a Parliament, a Prime Minister, and a defined international territorial boundary, can we in all sincerity reduce it to just a demographic minority? We are a people, the Southern Cameroon peoples, and therefore self-determination is our business.

A West African proverb says that he who does not know where the rain began to beat him cannot say where he dried his body. The rain of military occupation that beat the Southern Cameroons began sixty years ago, from the day its independence was stolen, that is 1st October 1961, through the 1972 dismantling of the two-state federation of equal partners, to Paul Biya’s outright declaration of war on the peace-loving peoples’ of the Southern Cameroons on the 30th November 2017. This sinister declaration that would culminate into a vicious genocide would be the first in our parts of the world since the Biafran civil war to render a defenseless Southern Cameroon people one of the world’s endangered oppressed today.  

The Southern Cameroons never had an army. Throughout the Mandate and Trusteeship periods before 1961, some Nigerian policemen were deployed mainly in the capital of the Ambazonian, Buea. Generally, each community in the SC had its local 'police' , what was called Native Authority police. In the days of West Cameroun, that is, the period of their federation with French Cameroon, the Buea government established a police force. But it was not armed. The policeman had a whistle and a baton stick. Even when the armed Mobile Wing Police was created it was a special unit that remained in the barracks and was deployed only on special duty in some trouble spot especially in border areas with French Cameroun where the 'maquisards' from there tried to use the West Cameroon (Southern Cameroons) border areas as rear bases. So, our people generally never experience armed security officials. They were used to a civil police imbued with a high sense of discipline, integrity and respect for basic human rights. This armless innocent and defenseless nature of these peoples came as a result aloof their education. During colonial days under the British, it was the missionaries most especially the Catholics, Baptists and Presbyterians who were in charge of education. The British colonial masters never set up even one single college for the people. And so the education was education with a human and spiritual face, Christian education if you like. They never experienced any incident of violence by security officers. The policeman in the Southern Cameroons was a peace office and a friend of the people.

The only time the people of the SC saw armed soldiers was when the UK government deployed a battalion of the British army to ensure security during the plebiscite of February 1961. The British army built and was housed in three camps (built with prefab), one in Buea, one in Mamfe and a third in Bamenda. The British army was withdrawn from the Southern Cameroons immediately after the plebiscite.

2. So when Following the de facto political association with French Cameroun on 1 October 1961, the oppressing government of French Cameroun took three measures within the first week of October 1961. These measures were very traumatic for the people of the Southern Cameroons.

-  First, French Cameroun moved armed troops into the SC and were housed in the very emergency camps British troops had built and vacated. These were experienced by the Southern Cameroonians up till today as a foreign army of occupation: they spoke and still speak only French (meaning they cannot communicate with the people), they rough-handle and mistreat the people on the slightest pretext, and they are armed and ever-present and take pride in intimidating the people. They assume an air of superiority and conduct themselves as an out-and-out army of occupation.

They routinely carry out violent cordon and search operations (for what the people knew not) during which the people are severely abused and treated like prisoners of war. They also set up roadblocks every few kilometers along the highway for checking 'laisser-passer' and 'carte d'identite' and other documents it pleases them to ask. Non presentation of any document requested is punishable by torture and imprisonment.

Dear Friends we are talking about a 50-year experience of a defenseless people in the hands of military barbarians.
- Secondly, the repressive Yaoundé government decreed a state  of emergency over the whole of the Southern Cameroons. The state of emergency was for an indefinite period since it was renewable ad infinitum every six months. The state of emergency decree introduced detention camps called 'les Centres  d' Internement Administratif '. These were detention camps for those declared to be "dangerous to public security". They were not different from Hitler's Gestapo camps.

- Thirdly, six months later, in March 1962, Yaounde decreed a Subversion Ordinance which criminalized a wide range of ill-defined conduct and shielded the regime and its members from any form of criticism whatsoever. French Cameroun's system and practice of torture was introduced in the Southern Camerouns. Torture facilities known as BMM  centres: (brigade mixte mobile centres), were established in Victoria, Kumba, Mamfe and Bamenda. The favourite torture techniques were the 'balancoire' and the 'courant'.: a stand sort of device for suspending victims after they have been tied up like animals; they are made to swing on this device as they are subjected to merciless beating; often too, the passage of electrical current through the body of the victim, the points of application being the armpits, the genitalia, the eyelids etc.

The Emergency decree and the Subversion decree were arbitrarily enforced by newly created military tribunals from which there was no appeal.

 In May 1972 French Cameroun illegally decreed the federation out of existence and formally annexed the Southern Cameroons. This action was met with continuing protests by the people of the Southern Cameroons. French Cameroun responded by drafting more of its troops to occupy the Southern Cameroons with orders to shoot to kill. From June 1972 to 1989 incidents of military killing of Southern Cameroons' civilians gradually escalated.

Another peak point was the period of the launching if multiparty politics (animated by the Southern Cameroonian political consciousness), that is, after the launching of the SDF in May 1990 to 2016 the people of the Southern Cameroons rose up again like one man to protest against repression, occupation and colonization. The response from French Cameroun was the dispatching of more troops into the Southern Cameroons with orders again to shoot and to kill. Widespread killings by these occupation troops were carried out with impunity. The Yaoundé regime encouraged and glorified these killings by its troops in the occupied territory of the Southern Cameroons.

It was in November 2017 that armed conflict broke out between the Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun when the latter declared war on the former and poured thousands and thousands of troops and war materiel into the Southern Cameroons. The occupation has tightened entailing more and more widespread killing and destruction and occasioning hundreds of thousands of refugee and IDP flows. 

Thinking of an appropriate metaphor to describe the brutal unbearable nature of military occupation of French Cameroon over the Southern Cameroons(Ambazonia), I could only think of the metaphor of Kinfa’fa’ai – the poisonous wasp – a notorious predator of the insect family. Wasps, we learnt in our African story telling time, greet unsuspecting prey with an agonizing, paralyzing sting, then lay eggs on their body, which then proceed to ‘eat the victim alive’. The occupying military forces of Paul Biya have transformed themselves into the personification of Kinfa’nfa’ai. Our poor innocent people are daily eaten alive, to say the least, by the Cameroon republic’s military forces. Humanitarian crisis after four years, contrary to the underestimated figures given by international humanitarian institutions and organizations the real situation of the humanitarian crisis is progressively deteriorating with about:

v  15, 000 deaths

v   5000 detainees

v  400 burned villages

v  500,000 refugees scattered in various countries especially Nigeria.

v   2 million internally displaced persons.

v  800,000 children deprived of the right to education.

In four years, the bloody confrontations that have broken out in the Southern Cameroons have shocked the conscience of the international community, though they have refused to become part of the resolution of this problem thus facilitating the despot and oppressor to do his mayhem and go scot free. The silence is deafening especially from international bodies and media, the affected people must not be scared by the enormity of the task, by the immorality of the present. I call on the international human rights bodies, the African Union and the United Nations Organization to play fair. After all the problem at its roots is the failure of the United Kingdom and the UNO to grant full independence to a nation that was supposed to be one.

But the subjection of our people into mental and psychological servitude has been most dangerous to even physical military occupation. The fear of pain and suffering is no longer the problem, it is the struggle for survival that rules the minds of our people for this wild and barbaric occupation has been a thing so terrible and despicable that the word ‘genocide’ is beginning to be an understatement. But there has been another consequence, in fact a pandemic that is not talked about in this part of the world now as a result of the genocide. The explosion of mental and moral illness. Major depressions, psychosis, grief responses, schizophrenia, manic angers, from our suffering people - on a scale none of us have had before. They have been the story book victims of a cultural holocaust. Since the biblical story of Cain and Abel history has not inflicted on a people such brotherly betrayal as that in the Southern Cameroons and their so-called brothers of the Cameroon republic. Indeed, we bear the scars of brotherhood in a union between a lamb and a lion.

The moral illness is a weakening of faith in a moral international institution like the UNO that has let down our people and that has not only passed unnoticed the wounded man in the biblical Good Samaritan parable, but that seems to enable and encourage the oppressors of our people. History is our great teacher, and Ruanda is still fresh in our minds.

Military occupations are an act of moral cowardice on the part of the malignant oppressor, especially in the 21st century where true power is displayed on the dialogue and debate table. For if the government of the French Cameroon knew that its presence in the Southern Cameroons is legitimate, why is the area being militarized? They know very well that the people’s hearts had long left Yaoundé. All that militarization is a clear indication that the annexing power knows that its days are numbered.

It is important to underline here that I am deeply involved in this independent struggle because my family has been victim struggle. The example of my biological father has inspired the whole family to choose the painful path of being the awakened conscience of our people- so my whole family is pointedly involved, more because they have been helpless victims of the bestial military occupation, so I would betray my conscience if I back down for I am firmly convinced that a true apostle of Christ must embrace, in the manner of Christ himself, the preferential option for the poor, the oppressed and the vulnerable of this world.  Consequently, we are nearly all in exile because of our outspokenness. My parents are wanted people, wanted by the barbaric political powers of Cameroon; and my life, since 2016, is in the balance, because it has received threats.  My father left for Nigeria in 1997 in exile and later joined us in neighboring French Cameroon in Douala for another 15 years of exile. So am in Italy enjoying the freedom I have never had in my entire life. I was already considered dangerous by the Cameroon Government because I was already on newspapers and the radio touching on issues concerning the country’s moral soul. There I already had ambitions to be a writer. Since writers name the unnamable, that is, to express what other people fear to say as Salman Rushdie said in his novel The Satanic Verses, writing became my own weapon against the despicable ethical and political situation of that country.

The Dantean Inferno, the hell of the Southern Cameroons today is abysmal. And the betrayal is not only external but it is deep within the revolution. The pain is that some Southern Cameroons have zoomed off into the best-cushioned limbo of saboteurs of the revolution. Or like some have done recently, rely on tainted information of a proud people, and withdrawn into a life of austere examination in search of masturbatory assistance by resorting, ostrich-like, to material from victims and the oppressed to paint the story of the oppressed people dark and to give victory to the oppressor. That the Church of the Southern Cameroons has sadly been a victim.

We have discovered painfully that no one can speak for us. And so our people are ready for anything, to gain their independence. Only those who daily live through the humiliations, the third class citizenships of the world, in the slaughterhouse of bondage, only we can fully figure out and see the sights of these inconsistencies in a world experiencing such speedy and puzzling changes.

 

You cannot suppress the truth. Colonialism is a crime against humanity, an international evil, and an evil which has been condemned by all nations of the world including the United Nations Organization(UNO). And when the colonizing power turns out to be your own brother it is even more disgraceful. The Southern Cameroons is a territory with well-defined boundaries, and its independence was hijacked or stolen in 1961. As long as the occupying forces of the Republic of Cameroon continue to do what they know is wrong, my people will continue to struggle. As God is always on the side of the truth, I have no doubt whatsoever that the Southern Cameroons would achieve its goal of a full independent State.

 

By

Rev. Fr. Gerald Jumbam

Ph.D., Moral Theology,

Professor, Italy

 

Monday, 11 January 2021

 


 

Rev. Dr. Gerald Jumbam Nyuykongmo's new book comes out today.

In THE NEXT AFRICA, Jerry Jumbam, whose theological experience allows him to see deep and far, explores the trouble with Africa in a fascinating volume that is as penetrating as it is challenging, scholarly, and comprehensive. The image of Africa that emanates from many especially of those who champion its cause for liberation rests, as a matter of course, in politics and the economy. What THE NEXT AFRICA does is to point out and push forward the theological angle (that is, the spiritual and moral) which to him (the author) is fundamental today in the uncovering, pinpointing and surgical operation of the worsening African malaise. But for true and life-giving theology to thrive in Africa – Jumbam seems to say - it must never forget its continental cultural, philosophical and theological origins, the Ubuntu. A landmark volume because it is one of the most hopeful and creative works about contemporary Africa, yet a provocative work to what Jumbam calls ‘criminal (neo)colonialism’.

In bookshops and online:

https://www.intermediaedizioni.it/home/1052-the-next-africa-di-jerry-jumbam.html

 

 

Esce oggi "The Nex Africa" di Jerry Jumbam, Intermedia Edizioni

Nel libro, pubblicato in lingua inglese, l'autore don Jerry Jumbam, forte di un'esperienza teologica che gli consente di avere uno sguardo profondo e lungimirante, esplora la questione dell'Africa in modo avvincente e stimolante. "L'immagine dell'Africa che emerge da molti, specialmente coloro che promuovono la causa della libertà, sostiene l'autore, risiede normalmente in ambito politico ed economico.  Il libro segnala e sostiene una prospettiva teologica, che è spirituale e morale, che oggi è fondamentale rilevare, individuando in modo dettagliato il peggioramento del malessere africano. Ma una vera e fervente dottrina capace di crescere in Africa - asserisce ancora Jumbam -, non deve dimenticare le sue origini culturali, filosofiche, teologiche, l'Ubuntu." "The Next Africa" è un'opera ricca di messaggi di speranza e al tempo stesso provocatoria per il mondo e per quello che l'autore definisce il (neo)colonialismo criminale. 

 

"The Next Africa. Finding Africa's Strenght through Spiritual Originality and Moral Responsibility"

 

In libreria e online 

https://www.intermediaedizioni.it/home/1052-the-next-africa-di-jerry-jumbam.html


CONTENTS


1.    MENTAL COLONIALISM  

2.    SPIRITUAL COLONIALISM

3 .    UBUNTU: AFRICAN SPIRITUAL WISDOM

4.    HUMAN DIGNITY IS UBUNTU

5.    LIBERATION IS UBUNTU

6. UBUNTU IS HELP OF THE HELPLESS

7.  FAITH THE AFRICAN WAY

8. SPIRITUALITY OF SELF-DETERMINATION AND GENIUNE AFRICAN INDEPENDENCE
        
9.   INDIVIDUAL AFRICAN CONSCIENCE

10.    COLLECTIVE AFRICAN CONSCIENCE

11.   FORMATION OF THE AFRICAN CONSCIENCE


12.   THE CULTURE OF DEATH

13.  
INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION